Venezuelan Prisons worse than Dante's Hell


The German news magazine Der Spiegel published today an article on their web site about German inmates in Venezuelan prisons. According to the article, there are currently 35 people from German speaking countries and 1,400 from other countries incarcerated in Venezuela. Most are convicted or awaiting conviction for drug related charges.

Der Spiegel specifically reports about the case of a 33 year old guy who was caught while trying to smuggle cocaine out of the country. Originally confined to the Los Teques prison, he was ordered by the prison director, who was worried that he wouldn't survive conditions there, to be transferred to the Maracay prison, a luxurious place compared to the dilapidated facility of Los Teques. While most of the foreign embassies try to negotiate their nationals out of the country under bilateral prison transfer agreements, the process nevertheless can be excruciatingly slow and the current Interior Minister, Pedro Carreño, a military of dubious background, seems reluctant to sign transfers.

The plight of inmates caught up in the inhumane Venezuelan prison system is nothing new. Overcrowded, notoriously violent, controlled by mafias and corrupt guards with one third of the prison population awaiting trial, Venezuelan prisons have been described as the most dangerous in Latin America. Every year hundreds of inmates are killed or maimed in prison riots. Numerous reports have been written about it, human rights organizations have been complaining for decades and each government promises to remedy the situation, to no avail. Under the last Caldera government, they went even so far as to blow up the infamous Reten de Catia as if that was going to solve the problem.

The so called revolutionary government is no different from its predecessors, as you can see in this grim video. According to the NGO Observatorio Venezolano de Prisiones, between January and September 2007, 370 inmates have been murdered and 781 have been injured.

Due Process, Casualty of Constitutional Reform?


The discussion about the Constitutional Reform underway in the Venezuelan National Assembly (NA) is quickly resembling a travesty.

Let's recap. On August 15, the president submits a proposal to change 33 articles of the Constitution which according to Venezuelan law has to be submitted for approval by the NA before subjecting it to a national referendum on December 2.

The law also requires the government controlled NA to debate the proposal in three separate rounds. After completing the first two rounds of the debate, all of a sudden, a Special Committee of the NA decides, single handedly, to sneak in 25 additional articles to the original proposal, in clear violation of amendment procedures. This was done during a holiday week end and behind closed doors.

And if that wasn't enough, last week, they sneaked in yet another bunch of articles, totaling the number of reformed articles to 69 (this number might change) which is almost one quarter of the total number of constitutional articles (350).

You don't have to be a constitutional lawyer to realize that this is more than just a Reform. Most of the proposed changes seek to increase the power of the presidency to nearly obscene levels and to institutionalize the Military's authority over most aspects of civilian life which clearly violates the spirit and the principles of the current Constitution.

One of the most troublesome aspect of the proposed changes, is the elimination of the right to Due Process during declared States of Emergency. This has caused an outcry among the public in general and Human Right Groups in particular who are denouncing that such fundamental rights cannot be taken away under any circumstances.

Apparently, the criticism must have had some kind of an effect on the NA as they decided, magnanimously, to change its original proposal to the following version:
Articulo 337

El Presidente o Presidenta de la República, en Consejo de Ministros, podrá decretar los estados de excepción. Se califican expresamente como tales las circunstancias de orden social, económico, político, natural o ecológico, que afecten gravemente la seguridad de la Nación, de las instituciones y de los ciudadanos y ciudadanas, a cuyo respecto resultan insuficientes las facultades de las cuales se disponen para hacer frente a tales hechos. En tal caso, podrán ser restringidas o suspendidas temporalmente las garantías consagradas en esta Constitución, salvo las referidas al derecho a la vida, la prohibición de tortura, incomunicación, el derecho a la defensa, la integridad personal, no ser condenado a penas que excedan a los 30 años y la desaparición forzosa.
Article 337

The President of the Republic, at a meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers, shall have the power to decree states of exception. Expressly defined as such are circumstances of a social, economic, political, natural or ecological nature which seriously affect the security of the Nation, institutions and citizens, in the face of which the powers available to cope with such events are insufficient. In such case, the guarantees contained in this Constitution may be temporarily restricted, with the exception of those relating to the right to life, prohibition of incommunicative detention or torture, the right to a defense, to personal integrity, not to be sentenced to terms that exceed 30 years and forced disappearance.

Clearly, the new proposed version of Article 337 tries to circumvent the term Due Process with deliberately vague wording that allows for many interpretations. The question that needs to be asked here, though, is: Does the new wording hold up to international standards of Due Process? And more precisely, what are the Gaps in the proposed law that could leave the door open for future abuses?

There is a reason why the term Due Process was included in the Constitution of 1999. As history has taught us, all Venezuelan governments have a tendency to violate human rights during declared States of Emergency.

Ironically, by changing Article 337, the current legislators might be very well digging up their own graves. Who is not to say, that a future Chavista or Non Chavista government, for that matter, will (mis)use this law against them.


Imagen de la serie realizada por
José Arocha. (Licencia CC: Atribución, compartir igual).

Dirigentes universitarios ratifican convocatoria a marcha

El Blog vdebate comenta que esta semana promete estar interesante en Venezuela y ha colocado tres artículos para compartirlos:

1. Dirigentes universitarios ratifican convocatoria a marcha

Los estudiantes piensan protestar en todo el país en contra de la REFORMA CONSTITUCIONAL, promovida por el gobierno de Hugo Chávez. Nosotros tenemos el deber de ayudar a estos estudiantes en estas protestas, como nos sea posible. El Carabobeño

2. Lo que no se puede votar

Este artículo fue escrito por Saúl Gody Gómez. No sugiere que vayamos a votar o no, sugiere que debemos salir a la calle a evitar otro golpe de estado. Escribió:

Pero cuando el objeto del acto electoral es decidir sobre la
libertad misma, sobre entregar a otro nuestro derecho de opinión y
decisión sobre los asuntos públicos, el votar pierde todo sentido ya
que se trata de destruir la democracia.
3. Clara intromisión de Chávez en Bolivia

Nos señala claramente como ha sido la intromisión sin verguenza de Hugo Chávez en Bolivia. No digo ha sido intromisión venezolana, porque los venezolanos no aprobamos este abuso. En cuanto a la ayuda económica de Venezuela a Bolivia, Juan Claudio Lechín nos dice:

.. el pueblo espera que esa ayuda llegue sin condiciones y sin abusos. Que no sea como cuando un hombre le ofrece un dulce a una niña, para luego violarla.
Hagan clic aquí, para ver todos los artículos colocados en el Blog.

Un abogado de la Comunidad Europea


"OK. However, I do not believe that Chávez is equal to Fidel Castro. It seems to me, he is more like a character from a Woody Allen film than a communist dictator."

Concluye un abogado de la Comunidad Europea a un Venezolano. Este, pide que en pocas palabras, le ayudemos a contestar el comentario. Cómo podemos contestar a éste tipo de comentarios?

Chávez si es un dictador, pero ya esto no está en discusión. Todos saben esto, y más bién ahora la discusión está centrada en que ser un dictador es lo que conviene al Pueblo, que ama a Chávez, y que dice: Comunismo o Muerte. Es decir, ya no se trata de preguntarse Si o No es un Dictador. Es que ya QUEREMOS que sea dictador. Lo mas rápido posible. Con un referendum por la vía del 1-2-3-. Qué mas bla-bla-bla de la burguesía? Ya pareciera que el Pueblo ni siquiera tiene tiempo para discutir su destino político.

Porque ha sido decidido por un mísero Presidente. Que finalmente, resulto tán farsante como los que colocaba la burguesía Venezolana. Esta vez, colocamos a uno peor, que se idenfiticó como popular. Por lo que el Abogado puede que esté contestando o refiriendose a un debate ya antiguo. Ese no es el debate, Sr. Abogado. Ya la discusión es otra. Si es como Fidel, eso es lo que más desearía Chávez. Pero quizás nunca lo logre. Si es un personaje de Woody Allen o no lo es...eso se lo dejo a otro para que conteste con más propiedad que lo que yo podría hacer.

Primero y último, definimos como autocracia y desmentimos la intensión verdaderamente popular y social del presente Gobierno. Como lo indica un dirigente estudiantil, con la nueva y sustancial reforma constitucional, es un Golpe de Estado mas que una reforma. Esto ha quedado muy claro, que la idea es de concentrar el Poder del Dictador lo más rapidamente posible. Ya que solamente la dictadura popular puede garantizarle el total control de las masas, en vez de ser utilizada para mejorar y garantizar el bienestar de todos sus ciudadanos.

Aún más, a pesar de tener de aliados a las grandes potencias que le compran el Petróleo Venezolano, hace creer a su pueblo que el enemigo principal busca desestabilizarlo por sus intenciones socializantes. Sabemos que mientras le den el crudo, se quedan mudos y que Chávez en verdad nunca ha propuesto que romperá lazos con sus compradores quienes lo mantienen en el poder y con los bolsillos bien llenos.

What is Venezuela for you?


Notes on the documentary film ¿Puedo Hablar? May I Speak? Directed and co-produced by Christopher Moore

by Karin Koch

Whenever you're invited to watch a movie about the political situation in Venezuela, you can't help but being overly skeptical. The subject is so controversial and polemic that it lends itself to one sided portrayals of the conflict at hand. So, I was hoping for a film with a different approach which certainly is not an easy task to accomplish as the moderator of the event organized by the Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies at Harvard University correctly pointed out. Before the screening, people would approach him with the question: "Is it a Chavista or an Anti-Chavista film?" instead of inquiring about the quality of the film.

Clearly, division serves the so-called Chávez revolution well, but does it solve Venezuela's huge social problems? Admittedly, most of these problems are part of the unfortunate legacy of past governments but they are on the way of becoming the legacy of the current one as well. After all, there are really no more excuses after ten years of so-called revolutionary process.

Unfortunately, most film makers seem to fall prey to the same ideological trap as everybody else and are not able to look beyond the myths and the empty rhetoric. Especially, those who come from abroad seem to be smitten by the very notion of a romantic third world revolution that promises participatory democracy or, even better, socialism of the 21st century, a concept nobody really understands, including President Chávez himself. In the eyes of these film makers, dissidency is synonymous with oligarchy of the CIA-payed, coup-mongering kind.

Conversely, some of the so called documentaries made by some Venezuelan oppositional groups leave a lot to be desired. I've seen some pretty bad ones that can only be described as propagandistic crap. Their narrow focus blames all of society's ills on Chávez and his followers instead of reflecting on Venezuelan society as a whole.

Reality is never black and white and in order to understand political conflict in a society you have to look at it not only from different angles but also within a broader historical context. Present day upheavals can be traced back to a myriad of factors that have shaped our recent history, factors such as population growth, the role of the Social Democratic AD party in organizing Venezuela's first modern political mass movement (this has to be recognized, independently whether you like the Adecos or not), the repressive, authoritarian and corrupt tradition of the military, the impact of forty years of so called democracy within the context of a highly centralized, presidentialist system, the lack of a strong and independent judicial system and, most importantly, the role of the oil fueled boom to bust economic cycles in shaping a culture of clientelism and consumism.

Having said all of the above, I do applaud the producers of ¿Puedo Hablar? May I Speak? for their honest effort at trying to present a more diverse picture of the Venezuelan political spectrum by giving different elements ample opportunity to express their views.

Filmed last year during the Chávez reelection campaign, the opening scene of the film sets you up with the spectacle that Chávez has been subjecting the country ever since he came into power: The eternal campaign. We see the charismatic Chávez warming up to a delirious audience, asking politely: "¿Puedo Hablar? May I speak?". A question coming, ironically, from someone who has been monopolizing the airwaves of an entire nation with excruciatingly long speeches that can only be characterized as a mixture of improvised variety show, incoherent political sermons that defy any logic and insults geared towards everyone who dares to disagree.

By way of contrast, we also get to see the candidate of the opposition, Manuel Rosales, whose lack of charisma and weakness of discourse is painfully evident, addressing his supporters before closing his campaign in the largest rally ever held in recent Venezuelan history with 1.5 million people in Caracas.

Interestingly, the one thing that seems to connect both campaigns, as portrayed in the film, is the hyper emotionalism revolving around the figure of both candidates. In a particularly revealing scene, we see the devastated followers of Rosales gathering at his campaign headquarters shortly after he had conceded defeat, a historic moment as for the first time the opposition didn't immediately cry out fraud without holding any tangible prove in their hands. As expected, emotions are running high and you can feel a sense of betrayal pervading the room. Suddenly, a Rosales supporter shouts out in despair: "Great, he's become a Chavista now!"

These highly charged campaign scenes are nicely juxtaposed with images of common Venezuelan citizens going through their every day struggle, confronting, regardless of their political orientation, such problems as abject poverty, lack of housing and public transportation, lack of job opportunities, rampant crime, environmental disasters, you name it. In a very telling scene of the movie, we see a desperately poor guy, father of three children, standing in front of his dilapidated rancho waiting for the government to build him a new house. He is absolutely convinced that this time Chávez will not let him down as other governments have done in the past. His sister, a Rosales supporter, standing next to him, laughs at his naiveté and complains about the government's failure to improve their miserable life conditions.

In another scene, the film makers visit a Belgian priest who works in the impoverished neighborhood of Petare, in the eastern part of Caracas whose inhabitants, as he explains, belong to the D and E (lower economic) strata according to a scale that divides up the Venezuelan population in five economic groups. When asked what Venezuela represents for him, a question asked repeatedly throughout the film and which serves as a Leitfaden of sorts, he declares his unconditional love for the country which he has come to identify with, after having lived there for 40 years, taking care of the poor. And it's easy to see why; the friendly and creative disposition of the Venezuelan people is another thread that runs through the film.

Interspersed with scenes of regular people are interesting interviews with academics and journalists who offer their interpretations of the political events. Off hand, two come to mind: well respected pro Chávez historian Margarita López-Maya who seems to have second thoughts and is worried about increasingly eroding minority rights and Teodoro Petkoff, publisher of the left leaning newspaper Tal Cual who is also a Rosales campaign adviser and a vocal critic of the Chávez governement. He stresses the importance of maintaining an open dialog between the government and the opposition.

To their credit, the film makers also travel to different parts of the country, visiting the oil rich Maracaibo Lake where they talk to local activists about the environmental disaster that the oil industry is causing there and how it is impacting the indigenous populations. In the Andean city of Mérida, we are introduced to students of Universidad de Los Andes, a hotbed of student revolts (in fact, one of their student leaders, Nixon Moreno is in hiding from the government). In the Amazonian region, we listen to a remarkable woman, a teacher in a small Indian village; complaining about the government’s discriminatory practice of giving preferential treatment to Chávez supporters when distributing school materials. In another scene, a man, most likely a tourist guide, standing in front of a breathtaking landscape that looks like Guayana in the southern eastern part of Venezuela, explains that Venezuelans have an unfortunate tendency to believe in Messiahs who will descend on them and magically go about solving all of their problems. When asked by the filmmakers about his personal opinion on Chavismo, he is reluctant to answer, probably fearing adverse consequences.

In conclusion, the film does offer indeed a snapshot of Venezuelan society at a crossroads as the press release indicates, but snapshots only represent one moment frozen in time and events are moving fast in Venezuela. The election campaign between Chávez and Rosales is already a thing of the past and in true Chávez fashion (never a dull moment), we are moving on to the next campaign: The Constitutional Reform, a highly controversial proposal, currently rushed through the Chávez controlled National Assembly, presented on August 15 by the President himself which, if approved, will change 33 articles of the Constitution. Despite the extremely short time frame given to ordinary Venezuelan citizens to become acquainted with the content of this proposal, it will be subject to referendum in December 2007 and then, who knows what will happen.


Disclaimer: The views expressed by the author of this post do not necessarily reflect the views of the other members of Venered.

Desaparecen las estadísticas de salud en Venezuela


A toda la comunidad mundial:

Represan datos sobre intensidad de la epidemia del dengue en Venezuela. Desde hoy se ha verificado que todas las estadísticas sobre la epidemia de dengue en Venezuela han sido eliminadas de la página web oficial del Ministerio de Poder Popular para la Salud. Esto es inaudito y sin precedentes.


Hasta el momento hay más de 20 muertes infantiles por dengue en lo que va de estos dos meses de la epidemia del 2007 en Venezuela. Esta enfermedad solamente se puede prevenir con eficientes medidas de Salud Pública (alerta a la población, eliminación de criaderos de mosquitos, atención médica adecuada y a tiempo).

El nuevo Ministro ordenó la eliminación total de las estadísticas sobre dengue. En el momento en que este tipo de información es eliminada a drede revela la intención del Gobierno en esconder importantes indicadores de salud y atenta contra el derecho a conocer los riezgos que corre la población en épocas epidémicas.

Las epidemias son un problema que atañe a toda la población y deben ser reveladas las cifras y la magnitud de esta epidemia para asi poder tomar las medidas de protección y facilitar el control de dicha epidemia.

Es responsabilidad de los organismos estatales de salud implementar las medidas de control durante epidemias, empezando por reconocer que esta situación es sumamente alarmente debido a la gran mortalidad de esta presente infección por picadura de mosquito.

El ministro de salud es un militar y no es médico. Quizás esto es también parte del problema que estamos presenciando con respecto al dengue. Si alguno de Uds. tiene conocimiento de cómo rescatar estas estadísticas avisen.


Article 337 of the Venezuelan Constitution

Apparently, a special committee of the Venezuelan National Assembly was working diligently behind closed doors over Columbus Day weekend to sneak in an additional article* to the list of proposed amendments:
Article 337

The President of the Republic, at a meeting of the Cabinet of Ministers, shall have the power to decree states of exception. Expressly defined as such are circumstances of a social, economic, political, natural or ecological nature which seriously affect the security of the Nation, institutions and citizens, in the face of which the powers available to cope with such events are insufficient. In such case, the guarantees contained in this Constitution may be temporarily restricted, with the exception of those relating to the right to life, prohibition of incommunicative detention or torture, the right to due process, the right to information and other intangible human rights.**

The proposed change conveniently removes the highlighted part of Article 337, preparing the ground for things to come...


* Actually, they sneaked in 25 additional articles
** Translation taken from the web site of the
Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Ciencia y Tecnología

A fondo: una mirada profunda a la Reforma Constitucional

Queremos recomendar el nuevo programa radial A Fondo: una mirada profunda a la Reforma Constitucional, producido por la gente del Centro Gumilla y por la red de radio de Fe y Alegría. Lo puedes escuchar a las 7 de la mañana y a las 11 de la noche. La nota de prensa dice:
Serán 40 programas dedicados exclusivamente a abordar este tema. Está concebido para la participación y el diálogo, dará espacio para que los escuchas puedan hacer todas las preguntas y comentarios que consideran pertinentes. En este programa se vale decir no entiendo; se vale disentir o compartir. Un esfuerzo del Centro Gumilla y Radio Fe y Alegría para que usted cuente con todas las herramientas que le permitan decidir con conciencia, cómo será su participación en el referéndum previsto para el próximo diciembre.
Para más información visita el blog del programa A fondo: una mirada profunda de la Reforma Constitucional Allí podrás escuchar los programas en vivo y también los compilados.

Escucha el promo:

Hoy cierran el registro electoral

Según un boletín de noticia, publicado hoy en la página web del CNE, el registro electoral que se utilizará para la consulta de la Reforma Constitucional cierra esta noche a las 12 de la noche. En el programa noticiero de Venevision, la rectora principal del CNE, Sandra Oblitas, declaró que el CNE no ha convocado a la consulta de la Reforma Constitucional, porque la AN no ha aprobado ni notificado la reforma del texto constitucional. (Huh ??)

Free Burma


Free Burma!


Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Article 1 All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should interact towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

Article 2 Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.

Furthermore no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignity.

[…]

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights jointly was passed by the General Assembly of the United Nations on 10 December 1948, and is considered as explicit commitment to the Human Rights since.

In a globalized world, this commitment is more important than ever since. For this reason, we must not look away, when in a country like Burma peaceful protesters and Buddhist monks are killed or arrested ruthlessly.

The Burmese people are being repressed by a dictatorial military regime for more than over 45 years. Legal opposition is de facto eliminated, all media is state-controlled and censored, and the human beings – abused as forced labourers – live at or below the poverty level. Due to these facts, it is not surprising, that monks wanted to express their protest against the rise of fuel prices a few weeks ago.

Although the military tried to cut off any information from and to foreign countries by all means, proof of its cruelties reached the international community. In spite of the danger of being arrested and displaced, brave Burmese risked their lives to inform about the incidents in their country.

However, economic interests of individual member states prevent the condemnation of the violence and the suppression by the United Nations.

With this international action we want to give a signal!
We detest the violence and the terrorism in Burma.
We support all those being suppressed because of exercising their right to freedom of expression and opinion, and we solidarise with the people demonstrating for their rights.

We urge the United Nations to condemn the violence in Burma.

We demand freedom and peace for Burma.

¿Puedo hablar? May I Speak?

Mark your calendars! One of our members has been invited to speak at the screening of the documentary ¿Puedo hablar? May I Speak? by Sol Productions. Here are the details of the event:
¿Puedo Hablar? May I Speak? is a new documentary film on Hugo Chavez and the political conflict in Venezuela. The film offers a portrait of a Venezuelan society at a crossroads; a re-elected president, challenged by a reformed and mounting opposition; a divided state; a glimmer of hope.

Date: Friday, October 5, 2007

Time:
6:00 - 8:00 pm

Location:
CGIS-South, Tsai Auditorium, 1730 Cambridge Street

Moderated by:
Dan Levy, Lecturer in Public Policy, Kennedy School of Government

Commentaries by: Leonardo Vivas, author of
Chávez: La última revolución del siglo

Q&A with: Christopher Moore, Director and co-producer of ¿Puedo hablar? May I Speak?

For more information please contact Kit Barron at chbarron@fas.harvard.edu

Read our review of the film here.

Watch the trailer:


Venezuelan NGO displays banner in protest against the constitutional reform

The Venezuelan NGO Ciudadanía Activa, displayed on Sunday a large banner in Caracas depicting the words of Simón Bolívar:
La continuación de la autoridad en un mismo individuo frecuentemente ha sido el término de los gobiernos democráticos.

The bestowment of continuous authority on the same individual frequently has been the downfall of democratic governments.